The purpose of this study was to examine the nature of ironware buried in tombs and the characteristics of iron manufacture, as well as to undertake a comparative analysis of metallurgical results. It was demonstrated that the results of such a study could help to explore the link between production, distribution, and consumption, and also illustrate the operation method of ironware production and the structure of the distribution network, both of which, it is argued, was reflected in Saroguk tombs in a deliberate manner. From the 2nd century BCE, early ironware buried in tombs was comprised of indigenous products and those that could be traced to ironware from northwestern Korea, the Hoseo and Honam regions, in addition to Chinese ironware. The reason behind this ironware composition can be found in the desire to express the rapidly developed iron productivity of the area, as well as the ability to obtain new ‘iron goods’ through various routes and methods. After the end of the 2nd century BCE, the ironware burial system in the Saro area was completed over a short period of time, with the ironware tradition of the northwestern region forming the basic foundation, with the addition of some new types and production technologies. This suggests the transplantation and active acceptance of the iron production system of Weiman Joseon. From the 1st century BCE to the 1st century CE, burial rituals (the use of iron ingots to pave the floor of the burial pit and the interior decoration of the wooden coffin) were shared in the Geumhogang River and Hyungsangang River Basin (where the Dalcheon Mine is located). This phenomenon can be seen to mark the point at which that the tradition of consuming ironware unique to Jinhan and Byeonhan emerged; it represents a transition to the active consumption of prestige ironware in burials. Securing iron ore production, social organizational power, and a stable foreign trade network was essential for spearheading labor-intensive iron production and distribution in a situation in which the efficiency of iron production was not particularly high. Given such conditions, Sarari Tomb No. 130 can be seen to express a form of ironware consumption in a burial context in which the volume of iron materials and the degree of ritual practice was maximized, illustrating that the economic and cultural foundations directly related to iron production and ironware distribution in Saroguk was unique.